Tuesday, 11 December 2007

Back in the Caucasus, Tbilisi Eight Years On









Tuesday December 11 2007

TBILISI, GEORGIA – The Caucasus has a charm both readily definable and elusive. Last time I was in Tbilisi, in January 2000 for an international donor conference, the bitter cold, lack of heating and intermittent electricity did nothing to dampen my enthusiasm for the place.

Overwhelmed by the history – the conference took place in an old palace where an independent democratic republic was declared in 1918, only to be crushed by the Red Army in the civil war that followed the Russian Revolution – I vowed to return.

Back then my thoughts were very much of spring; walking in the mountains, visiting vineyards and wine tasting.

As chance would have it, my return was again a winter one; this time for the 8th Tbilisi Film Festival – which did not even exist when I was last in town.

Much has changed and much somehow stayed the same, as ever in the Caucasus.

Gone are the bonfires in the streets, groups of cold and miserable people huddled around trying to keep warm.

Gone is the corrupt regime of President Eduard Shevardnadze (a former Soviet foreign minister) that in January 2000 was already tottering.

Gone are the blackouts and chaos that best the grand and beautiful old city, a huddle of terraced, balconied old houses and ancient Christian churches that sits astride the river Mtkvari.

Largely gone are mass unemployment, rampant crime and corruption, at least lower down the political feeding chain.

Much has changed in eight years.

Shevardnadze’s regime was swept away on the back of a popular and remarkably bloodless ‘Rose Revolution’ in 2003, ushering into power American educated charismatic leader Mikhail Saakashvili.

He won a landslide election as president in 2004.

The Tbilisi International Film Festival, represents the fresh face of a country moving towards a modern, European-style democracy.

Launched late 2000 as part of another cultural festival, ‘Gift’, TIFF went independent in 2002.

Today it screens more than a 100 films, attracts a strong field of entries for its competition focused on first or second features and this year for the first time gave cash prizes worth a total of $12,000 for its Golden and Silver Prometheus awards.

Veteran US director Bob Raefelson showed up to give a masterclass and present a screening of his 1970 classic “Five Easy Pieces”.

Based at the city centre Rustaveli Cinema, one of the few modern multiplexes in Georgia, it was thronged everyday with youngsters, families and kids.

International brands compete for shop window space and the city is peppered with new monuments, including a much criticized statue of St George slaying the dragon by Moscow-resident Georgian sculptor Zurab Tsereteli rumoured to have cost $4 million.

Everything looks so much cleaner and brighter – at least on the main roads. Wander off down the side streets and nothing much has changed. Rubbish and debris, half demolished buildings. Squalor.

The spirit of the people remains strong: in a post office on the main Rustaveli Avenue last Thursday (December 6) I got chatting with an elderly man. Asked if I spoke French, I replied in my worst schoolboy French, as only an Englishman could: Je parle Francaise comme un vache Espanol. (Apologies for bad spelling etc, it’s been donkey’s years since I scraped a miserable pass at O level….)

Given his chance, he opened up like a true Caucasian troubadour poet, and recited for a full five minutes a passage from Victor Hugo, word perfect in a beautiful authentic French accent. A performance that won applause from me and the two ladies sitting behind the post office counter. Remember, this is a part of the world where poets used to meet to do battle with verse. Beautiful.

Politically things seem to be back where they were, after a fashion.

President Saakashvili is accused by a growing opposition of resorting to the sort of authoritarianism that made Shevardnadze such a hate figure.

They accuse him of failing to tackle corruption at the top and lack of action over stubbornly high rates of unemployment. Popular discontent spilled over into street protests early November.

Fearing Russian involvement in a perceived coup attempt, Saakashvili sent out the riot police to use tear gas, water cannon and baton rounds against tens of thousands of protestors.

He declared a state of emergency and took two national TV stations Rustavi 2 and Imedi off air.

Imedi – jointly owned by opposition figure Badri Patarkatsishvili and Rupert Murdoch’s News Corp – was kept off air for a month until pressure from western governments brought about a lifting of a banning order.

A snap election Saakashvili has called for January 5 now looks like becoming a referendum on his presidential style, with opposition figures variously calling for scrapping the office altogether or reintroducing a constitutional monarchy not seen here for more than 200 years.

Saakashvili stepped down as president to run for re-election. You would not know it: he is ubiquitous on television news and travels with a full state security apparatus.

Last Saturday (December 8) he was due to give the awards at the closing of the Tbilisi film festival. Security was ultra-tight with masses of uniformed and plainclothes men checking all guests at the cinema.

Saakashvili failed to show up. No reason given. It’s the sort of behaviour many in Georgia say has turned the people against him.

Victory in the elections for Saakashvili is by no means certain and there are dark warnings of recriminations whoever wins.

It looks like I may be back in Tbilisi sooner rather than later and before the warm breezes of a Caucasian spring come.

Ends

Saturday, 1 December 2007

Russia's elections - opposition call foul

Here's today's (London) Sunday Telegraph story topline... see link below for full story

Stop Vladimir Putin by spoiling vote, say rivals

By Colin Freeman and Nick Holdsworth in Moscow
Last Updated: 1:56am GMT 02/12/2007

Russia's beleaguered opposition parties have urged their supporters to spoil their ballots in the country's parliamentary elections as a protest against Kremlin moves to stop them winning seats.

LINK TO FULL STORY: http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/main.jhtml;jsessionid=TV3YLHNROI4HLQFIQMGSFFWAVCBQWIV0?xml=/news/2007/12/02/wrussia102.xml

Russia's Parliamentary Elections - a Referendum on Putin



President Putin pictured, hand on heart, in free weekly government newspaper "Moscow Centre" under a headline reading "Time for Real Business"


Saturday December 1st 2007 Moscow

Snow-bound Moscow frosty and quiet on eve of parliamentary elections the Kremlin has cast as a referendum on President Vladimir Putin’s rule…

The Russian capital is all snow-dusted frosty calm and quiet tonight on the eve of tomorrow’s parliamentary elections.

If you didn’t listen to the radio, watch television or read newspapers here you could be forgiven for thinking that tomorrow was nothing more than a normal Sunday, with half population of Moscow apparently gone to their dachas (weekend cottages).

Under Russian electoral rules no last minute electioneering is allowed and apart from the red, white and blue striped national flags fluttering from flagpoles on apartment blocks and buildings in the centre of town, alongside those of Moscow’s patron saint, St George against a red background, there’s precious little sign that the country is on the eve of a potentially historic turning point.

The massive and ubiquitous United Russia billboards that had dominated street advertising until recently declaring ‘Putin’s Plan – Russia’s Victory’ were taken down more than a week ago, leaving only isolated posters for the Communists or Vladimir Zhirinovsky’s nationalist Liberal Democrat Party of Russia.

By this evening even those have gone.

Russia’s last independent radio station, Ekho Moskvy (Echo of Moscow) just reported (10pm Moscow time) on the official ‘den politicheskoi tishini’ – day of political silence - when all campaigning is forbidden before tomorrow’s elections. The news then went straight into a report about the mass arrests across Russia of opposition activists who intended to act as electoral observers tomorrow.

Since opposition coalition The Other Russia failed to be officially registered as a party for the election – it could not get the necessary 50,000 signatures in time – its activists, as group leader and former chess champion Garry Kasparov told me last night, have been signing up to work alongside opposition parties that include the Union of Right Forces (SPS) and Communists who are on the ballot.

Their aim is to guard against anticipated widespread vote rigging that they fear the Kremlin is engaged in to boost the vote for President Putin’s power vehicle, United Russia.

The arrests across the country last night and today – in Samara, Tula, Irkutsk and other cities - will have come as no surprise.

Talking by phone to Kasparov last night here in Moscow, he said that an Interior Ministry order had gone out warning police in the provinces that “under SPS disguise extremists will try to squeeze into polling stations” on Sunday.

As The Other Russia said in a press release tonight, “it is obvious to us that the scale of falsifications in the forthcoming elections will be unprecedented,” calling into question the legitimacy of the future State Duma.

It all chimes with what other Russian observers have been saying about these elections: that given that “the end of the political cycle in Russia is always dangerous” elections that are seen by the current power elite as a litmus test of their ability to hang onto power after Putin steps down as president next March – as is he is constitutionally bound to – are inevitably a time for desperate measures.

The Kremlin and its chosen electoral vector, United Russia, are desperate to get a huge turnout and massive landslide tomorrow. Only with at least 66% of the seats in the Duma will United Russia be able to push ahead its next apparent project: changing the constitution to either allow Putin a third term, or appointing him to a new role as national leader and weakening the practically autocratic powers that are vested in the presidency now.

A change as massive as that would be problematic in any country.

In one with Russia’s turbulent political history that sort of change could be dangerous.

As one political observer told me this afternoon in a reference to President Boris Yeltsin’s violent stand off with an unruly parliament that ended with tanks shelling the Moscow White House: “The last time something similar happened was in 1993 – and we all know how that ended.”

Today’s winter quietude could be the calm before the storm.

More tomorrow, when I’ll post a link to the London Sunday Telegraph story on which I was working the past few days.
http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/main.jhtml;jsessionid=TV3YLHNROI4HLQFIQMGSFFWAVCBQWIV0?xml=/news/2007/12/02/wrussia102.xml

Saturday, 24 November 2007

Moscow's Dissenters March ends in Arrests



Well, an absence of some months from this blog… mea culpa: been rather busy running here and there…

Back in Moscow now following events in the run up to next Sunday’s (December 2nd) parliamentary elections, which will see a landslide victory for the party that most slavishly supports President Vladimir Putin – United Russia. They’ll poll 70% or 80%.

Russia’s tiny dissident opposition are mostly not even running in the election – either they have been prevented from doing so, are banned (in the case of Eddie Limonov’s bizarre black-dressed anarchists the National Bolsheviks) or have too little support to meet election commission requirements.

What they lack for in size they make up for in street presence and sheer braggadocio. There were a series of ‘dissenters marches’ across Russia today and I went down to take a look at Moscow’s, where a couple of thousand people had gathered on a cordoned off section of Prospekt Akademika Sakharov (known as Novokirovksy Prospekt in Soviet times) to hold an officially-sanctioned rally before handing in a protest letter to the nearby Central Election Commission.

Speakers at the rally early this afternoon had to shout above a very loud and unpleasant screeching that was emitting from a hidden loudspeaker somewhere nearby – some in the crowd suggested it could be the work of pro-Kremlin elements, but was unable to verify that after failing to find the source of the sound, when I and a couple of colleagues left the rally to try to track it down. As we returned to the main inner ring road to find a group of several hundred flag waving National Bolsheviks had meanwhile broken out of the cordon and fled onto the ring road, where cars came to an abrupt halt, to try to take their protest direct to the election commission building. It was obvious what was going to happen next and no sooner than they had headed down a side street did scores of very tall and mean looking OMON riot police in their distinctive blue camo fatigues, bone-dome helmets and long stiff rubber batons, stream after them, massive paddy wagons following behind. They trapped the protestors in the street and although it looked more like street theatre than really rough stuff, scuffles were soon breaking out.

The OMON officers were clearly using plainclothes helpers – one OMON officer warmly greeted a bunch of tough looking young skinheads dressed in the ubiquitous Russian ‘gopnik’ (slang for any rough looking young guy) uniform of jeans, short coats and small tight woolen hats. Some of these plainclothes guys had walkie-talkies and wired ear-pieces.

There were some scuffles and arrests – including of leaders of the anti-Putin dissidents Garry Kasparov, Lev Ponomarev and Eddie Limonov – but nothing I saw that would count as heavy violence. As we left a group of other young and middle aged toughs in plainclothes were walking down the street alongside uniformed cops pulling on red armbands that identified them as members of a pro-Kremlin civilian group.

Here’s a news piece I filed as a contribution to a wider ‘Russia on the eve of elections’ that one of the London Sunday papers is running tomorrow.



Saturday November 24 2007



MOSCOW – Garry Kasparov, former world chess champion turned leader United Civil Front Group, part of the anti-Putin coalition The Other Russia, was arrested by riot police in Moscow Saturday (Nov 24) along with around a dozen other activists following a protest rally.

Kasparov was arrested by members of Russia’s camouflage-uniformed OMON riot police after a group of several hundred mostly young anti-Kremlin protestors broke away from a government-sanctioned demonstration.

Lev Ponomarev, a Soviet-era dissident who heads Moscow-based NGO “For Human Rights”, Eduard Limonov, leader of banned anarchist group the National Bolsheviks (Natsbols) and Ilya Yashin, head of the youth wing of western-oriented social democrat party Yabloko were also detained in scuffles with police near the city’s Chistyi Prudi metro station.

Kasparov was taken to Moscow’s Basmanny police station and the others to the nearby Taganksky police station, The Other Russia said in a statement later.

Kasparov was last arrested during an anti-Putin protest in Moscow in April. He was briefly detained before being released after paying a small fine for public order offences.

The arrests came after an officially-sanctioned gathering of some 2,000 flag-waving anti-Putin activists broke up and a large group of mostly younger members of the ‘Natsbols’ – waving trade-mark black hammer and sickle festooned flags – burst beyond a police cordon.

A ragged column of noisy protesters brought traffic to a halt as they streamed onto Moscow’s busy five-lane inner ring road before pouring down a side street headed towards the nearby headquarters of the Central Election Commission.

“We are the dissenters march!” the protestors shouted as they were pursued by OMON riot police armed with long rubber batons and wearing helmets with darkened visors and body armour.

None of the anti-government groups at Saturday’s rally – with the exception of Yabloko and the Union of Right Forces – which had been represented at the sanctioned rally by its leader Boris Nemtsov – have been permitted to stand in next week’s parliamentary elections, due to take place on Sunday December 2.

Authorities had earlier allowed a small group from the official rally to hand a protest petition in to the electoral commission.

Earlier Kasparov had told supporters at the rally that Putin was using “fear to maintain authority.”

Straining to be heard above a loud screeching directed towards the demonstrators from hidden loudspeakers nearby that demonstrators blamed on pro-Putin youth group Nashi, Kasparov said: “We need to understand that if we are not afraid and keep on the streets, the regime will itself be scared and will be unable to maintain its repression on society. Either we maintain a criminal regime or we save our country.”

He added that despite record oil prices the standard of living for ordinary Russians had not improved and the cost of living was rising sharply.

“Our aim is to dismantle a dishonorable regime that is ruining our country. We know they have no aversion to spilling blood – Beslan demonstrated that. But we can win if we remain united,” Kasparov added to cheers.

The Moscow demonstration was one of a series of national ‘dissenters marches’ that took places in cities across Russia that included Voronezh in central Russia, Irkutsk in Sibera, Kazan, Krasnoyarsk, Murmansk, Rostov-on-Don, Tomsk, Tula, Ekaterinburg and Kaliningrad.

Here's a link to the story that was published in the Sunday Telegraph - a joint effort between myself and my London-based colleague Colin Freeman.

http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/main.jhtml?xml=/news/2007/11/25/wmoscow125.xml

Monday, 20 August 2007

Photos from West Bank struggle over Israel's Security Wall







All photos are copyright Rani Burnat, Bil'in. Available via Shai Carmeli-Pollak on kshai@o23.net

The West Bank comes to Sarajevo

Sarajevo, Monday August 20 2007

Israeli political activist Shai Carmeli-Pollak’s immensely moving and explosively emotional feature length documentary “Bil’in My Love” rightly deserves the description the man responsible for inviting it to Sarajevo gave it as “the discovery of the festival”.

Howard Feinstein, the former film editor of the Village Voice, New York, who programmes Sarajevo’s fabulous Panorama sidebar, used that description when he introduced the 84 minute film at Sunday’s screening here in Sarajevo.

An uncompromising expose of the brutal and aggressive tactics the Israeli Defence Force (IDF) troops use against the largely peaceful protests of Palestinian villagers, Israeli and international human rights activists in their fight to prevent the construction of the 28 foot tall section of the controversial Israeli state security wall that slices the village of Bil’in in half, the film won a five minutes standing ovation when it ended at Sarajevo’s capacityu packed Meeting Point cinema, with many in the audience wiping tears of empathy from their eyes.

The director has brought three of the Palestinian villagers with him – including farmer ‘Wagee’ Abdelfatah Burnat and his adult son Rani, wheelchair bound since an Israeli sniper’s bullet clipped his spinal chord at a protest demonstration in Jerusalem some years ago.

As Wagee, whose heartbreak over the loss of family olive groves dating back centuries is a key focus of the film, remarked in a reference to the difficulty of obtaining visas, “for a Palestinian to get out of Palestine is almost impossible.”

“We are so happy to meet with you in Sarajevo today,” he said. “Believe me, it is much easer for me to come to Sarajevo than to go to Jerusalem which is only 30km from Bil’in,” he said.

With 11 deaths directly associated with the fight against the building of the wall – declared illegal in 2004 by the International Court of Justice in the Hague but continued regardless by the Israeli government – and the thousands of injured - the weekly Friday protests of one tiny West Bank village against the local IDF troops is but a microcosm of the wider tragedy playing out there.

Some 3,000 Palestinian and 1,000 Israelis had died since 2000 when the second Palestinian Infitada – uprising – began.

“The film shows just a glimpse of what is happening in our village,” Wagee said.

“It is one small, poor village but it is very, very rich with hope and believe and very strong and powerful with the will to struggle and fight hard against injustice and for good.”

Hundreds of villagers have been imprisoned or fined and many hit by rubber bullets or gassed with tear gas and percussion grenades fired at them by the IDF troops – mostly without any provocation, the film shows.

In one telling incident recorded by 39 year old activist-filmmaker Shai, a non-violent demonstration organized by the village committee disintegrates into violence when some Palestinian youths begin stoning the Israeli soldiers.

At first the demonstrators appeal for calm, believing the boys to be from another village. It turns out they are actually Israeli agent provocateurs sent there to deliberately foment trouble.
It is the intimacy of Shai’s filmmaking – where he is both participant and observer and has no pretension to objectivity in what is a thoroughly partisan film - that is incredible for a film made in the often dangerous situations in the midst of such a bitter and intractable conflict. Some might call in propaganda, but it does not flinch from showing that some Palestinian youngsters do – of course – stone Israel soldiers. One IDF soldier loses his eye in an incident, sparking fears in the village that they may face live ammunition in revenge. It is, however, quite clear that the aggression virtually always comes first from the IDF side and that their commander, an otherwise thoughtful man who actually lives not far from the village – on the other side of the wall – does sometimes reach for tear gas, rubber bullerts and percussion grenades when his frustration at the myriad creative protests he faces gets the better of him.

The villagers of Bil’in are determined to resist with dignity, come what may.

“The villagers are fighting for their rights and for the rights of the whole world for all people to live with dignity,” Wagee noted of a conflict that has already taken 60% of the village’s historic lands, ripping out the olive groves on which the farmers depend for their livelihoods and stealing huge swathes of land for the illegal expansion of a nearby new Israeli settlement that will be protected by the massive barrier.

Dubbed an ‘apartheid barrier’ by opponents, director Shai – who grew up in a Zionist household, served in the Israeli army and worked in television before becoming politicized by a desire to understand why the Palestinians had risen up again in 2000 – says the film exposes the essential racism of a state that claims to be a democracy.

“The wall allows for new communities – mostly settlements of ultra orthodox right wingers – to spring up. I did not want to show these people in the film because that is not the true story. The story is that the government is sending these poor people to these new settlements – where apartments are cheap. Those living their do not have enough knowledge really about what is going on. They listen to what their Rabbis tell them and go there,” Shai remarked.

Asked how he was able to film so closely and intimately – often standing filming besides Israeli troops as they fired at Palestinians – Shai said that initially the troops assumed that as an Israeli he was on their side.

Later when they understood he was implacably opposed to the wall they continued to let him film because they thought what they “think what they are doing is OK” Shai said. “The attitude is ‘I am doing an important job, defending my country.”

That attitude to filmmakers and photographers has shifted now, Shai said and the IDF are a lot more sensitive about being filmed as they go about the brutal business of defending a barrier that is illegal under the Olso accords of the early 1990s and most international observers agree will make the job of creating Palestinian statehood and a lasting, peaceful solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict near impossible.

If you get a chance to see this film, don’t hesitate for a second: as Shai noted, it covers a conflict that many in Sarejevo can identify with from their own personal experience in the recent past.

Photographs from the struggle in Bil’in, taken by Rani Bornat – who was a ubiquitous presence on the front lines in his electric powered wheelchair – can be purchased on CD.

As Rani said – talking through Shai as the bullet that clipped his spine entered through his neck and affected his ability to speak clearly – “the other young people in the village told me I had already paid the price, but when I join the protests I feel young and proud and not just a disabled person but someone protecting his land.”

Basman Yasin, a member of the village committee that organizes the protests, noted that although the wall is now complete the fight goes on. A third international conference on the problem will take place at Bil’in in April 2008, he said.

For further information you can go to: www.Bilin-village.org and also to Israeil group Anarchists Against the Wall site www.awalls.org

Rani Burnat’s photographs of the protest can be obtained on cd-rom from Shai Carmeli-Pollak via email: kshai@o23.net

Two final little observations in today’s entry: Sarajevo is a joy of a festival, small enough to be intimate, big enough to be truly international.

Last night’s open air screening of Anton Corbjin’s beautiful shot black and white film “Control” – about the short, highly creative but ultimately tragic life of Ian Curtis, lead singer in iconoclastic late 1970s British band “Joy Division” – was simply superb.

Evocative and moving, Sam Riley who plays Curtis cut exactly the right note and had the perfect face for the role and the period. Alexandra Maria Lara, a rising young German-Romanian actress, who played his Belgian girlfriend (and is in real life his partner) was a striking screen presence. Samantha Morton who played Curtis’ much neglected wife Deborah was also spot on.

I never saw Joy Division play live – they were a Manchester band that played a few London gigs that were about to go on their first US tour in May 1980 when Curtis, suffering from epilepsy and marital despair uncompromisingly depicted in the movie, killed himself.

But that summer of 1980 has for me its own traumatic memories – my dear friend Debbie Young died in a car crash June 26 1980 at the age of 17 – and “Love Will Tear Us Apart”, released just a month before Curtis’ death – is part of the background track for my own life from that summer.

On a different tack, returning to my hotel yesterday afternoon I ran into feature competition jury president British actor Jeremy Irons as he arrived from the airport.

I’d last seen him some 15 years ago when I was doing a lot of writing about prison reform in the UK and was involved with the Prison Phoenix Trust, an Oxford-based organization that works with prisoners to encourage them to use their time inside to learn and practice yoga and meditation. One of its organizers, Sandy Chubb, had introduced me to Irons, one of the charity’s patrons, at a function held in St James Church, Piccadilly. My life and travels took my off to Russia soon after and I lost touch with the Prison Phoenix Trust, although I still read and refer to US writer Bo Lozoff’s excellent book on the theme, “We’re All Doing Time”, published by his US-based Prison Ashram Project and distributed free to prisoners by the British group.

There was not enough time for a lengthy conversation but Irons clearly recollected Sandy’s surname – which I could not – and is still involved in supporting the group’s work.

For more information see: http://www.philanthropycapital.org/Newsletter/Summer07/jeremy_irons.html and http://www.prisonphoenix.org.uk/why1.shtml and also http://www.humankindness.org/project.html

Saturday, 18 August 2007

Sarajevo Film Festival Opens with a Bang

Sarajevo Film Festival Opens with a Bang

Sarajevo, Saturday August 18 2007


Flying into Sarajevo, the capital of Bosnia and Herzegovina last night from Moscow via Vienna I expected to experience a little déjà vu. I was last here two years ago, for the 11th Sarajevo Film Festival and arrived on another inky dark Balkans summer night on a turboprop from Belgrade.

My overriding impressions then, in 2005, as we drove into the city was of the war-torn buildings still in evidence everywhere. During the festival I stayed at the Holiday Inn – the hotel where the international press had lived during the siege of Sarajevo in the first half of the 1990s. Ten years after the Daytona Peace Accords brought Sarajevo piece, the area around the Holiday Inn was still dominated by shrapnel and shell scarred homes and offices. A nearby ten or fifteen story office block was a window-less concrete shell peppered on the side that faced towards the old Serb positions across the river with massive star-shaped shell holes.

Last night as the taxi drove me down along the same street – the old suicide alley where during the siege drivers raced at high speed aware that they were within sight and ranger of the besieging Serb gunners – I searched for the scarred tower block in vain: it is now a sleek tinted-glass covered corporate building of the sort one can find in any European capital.

Sarajevo has become a building site. In the old town of area of Bascarsilja – which last night was buzzing with masses of young and fashionable Sarajevans enjoying the special late opening of cafes and restaurants put on to celebrate the opening of this year’s 13th film festival – shops and bars have appeared where two years ago there were only dusty and damaged pock-marked facades.

The crumbling concrete and dirt alleys of the crowded and narrow streets of this charming part of the city are being replaced with gleaming slabs of limestone paving and scaffolding is everywhere.

It’s a clear sign that the city is moving beyond its post-war hiatus.

Even last night’s opening party – held inside the impressive ruins of the old Sarajevo town hall, which was left an empty shell after being targeted by Serb forces in 1992 – an act decried at the time as a war crime against a building that also housed the literary treasures of the Bosnian national library – was a surreal experience.

The building is under reconstruction and its interior is only partially restored – guests entered from the riverside street through an opening in the steel construction site barrier before ascending stone stairs to the airy hexagonal interior. Inside lights lit up the first floor balcony that skirts the six-sided interior, crowded temporary bars dispensed beer, wine and spirits and a Bosnian folk singer performed on a small carpeted stage set up in the centre of the ground floor.

The place was packed. To go to the upper floor one had to struggle up a temporary wooden plank staircase past grubby bare brick walls still peppered with graffiti and stained black and green from the conflagration of 15 years ago.

Some of the old Islamic-style stone arches had been restored and the balustrades on the balcony were mostly now gleaming white limestone. Looking up to the rooftop atrium a maze of decorative iron girders are already in place. Two years ago when I walked past the building I could only imagination how it looked inside; there were no signs then of imminent reconstruction.

On the open first floor terrace overlooking the river guests crowded to look out over the nighttime city as uniformed guards warned them not to go too close to the stone parapet, taped off with red and white security tape indicating it was not considered safe.

At midnight a firework display to mark the opening of the film festival sent blasts and echoed resounding from across the other side of the river.

It was all rather surreal: 15 years ago other kinds of explosives were raining down upon the city from positions across the same river. The crowds watched and the camera crews filmed as music from another, much deeper in the past time, started up: a Viennese waltz of the sort that the old Austro-Hungarian functionaries of the pre-First World War era might have listened to in this very same building back when Sarajevo was a far flung provincial capital of that now long dead empire. German “oompah” music was next prompting different associations from another time and another war when Sarajevo was occupied by Hitler’s hordes.

If the idea was to prompt thoughts of war and peace it seemed to work, at least for this guest.

The city seems to be reclaiming its identity and re-staking its claim as a tourist destination: my father-in-law Vyacheslav still proudly recalls his visit when Sarajevo hosted the winter Olympics back in 1984. Roadside placards reminding guests and visitors that Sarajevo is an ‘Olympic’ city has sprouted anew.

And Sarajevo long had a claim to fame as the city where ‘the first shot of the First World War was fired’ when on June 28 1914 Serb nationalist Gavril Princip assassinated Austro-Hungarian crown prince Franz Ferdinand sparking the rapid succession of events that lead up to the outbreak of world war by early August. (Ironically Princip – chosen for the mission because he had tuberculosis and was not expected to live long – actually outlived many of the poor souls the Great War eventually consumed. Sentenced to 20 years imprisonment, he died from tuberculosis in April 1918.)

Two years ago I was disappointed to find that the museum commemorating this event was closed. Last night as I walked back from the opening party I was delighted to find it now open and functioning: there on the very corner where Princip squeezed his trigger the museum of Sarajevo 1878-1918 is lit up with street side photographic and video displays. It’s on the top of my list of ‘must do’ visits this weekend.

Sarajevo is truly moving forward, but not so fast that is forgets its past. As film festival head Mirsad Purivatra reminded guests last night, the closing of the 13th Sarajevo Film Festival takes place on Saturday August 25 – exactly 15 years to the day since the building’s historic library was blitzed by the Serb gunners from their positions high up in the hills across the river.

In my next posting I shall attempt to draw together some reflections from films playing at the festival that further help elucidate the spirit and character of today’s Sarajevo and the Balkans.


NOTE: All material copyright 2007 Nick Holdsworth.

If any readers out there want to license this material (or offer me writing or journalistic commissions) please email me at: holdsworth.nick@gmail.com)

Tuesday, 14 August 2007

First Missive

Tuesday August 14 2007



Welcome to Russofile007. This will be an occasional record of thoughts, opinions, responses to experiences and- perhaps - comments on newsworthy topics emanating from events mostly in Russia and Eastern Europe (where I spend much of my time), and my own personal interests and opinions.



As someone who writes for a living I may be disinclined to post frequent or regular comments or items but I shall aspire to post on such subjects as news and current affairs, social and political matters, film and education, Russian and Eastern European affairs and other passing interests as they flit across my attention span and enthusiasm radar.



This is an experiment and no doubt shall evolve and change as we go along.



For those interested in reading earlier professional writing I can suggest checking out my book about Russia during Yeltsin's years: "Moscow The Beautiful and the Damned - Life in Russia in Transition" (publisher: Andre Deutsch, London 2000 & second edition 2003) or Googling stories I have written over the years in papers that include the Sunday Telegraph, the Times Higher Education Supplement, the Hollywood Reporter and many others.

For those interested the following link will take yo to the Amazon uk listing for my book: http://www.amazon.co.uk/Moscow-Beautiful-Damned-Russia-Transition/dp/0233996796/ref=sr_1_2/202-3015045-6848601?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1187120122&sr=8-2



I'll be in Sarajevo this coming weekend for the first few days of the Sarajevo Film Festival and shall try to find time to post a blog or two from there.



Cheers for now - Nick Holdsworth blogger of 'Russofile007'