Friday, 20 June 2008

Abkhazia - a hauntingly beautiful Caucasian time capsule







Friday June 20 2008

Abkhazia is one of those anachronisms left over from the end of the Cold War.

The scene of a short and bitterly violent civil war between ethnic Abkhazians and their Georgian neighbours in 1992-93 that followed the break-up of the Soviet Union, the tiny Caucasian territory bordering the Black Sea remains technically part of Georgia.

Try telling that to the Abkhazian border guards when you enter what they consider a nation state. Under the control of what used to be the Abkhaz minority – 80% of the population, mostly Georgian, fled during the war – Abkhazia today boasts a president, a national flag, border controls and the protection of Russian military peace-keeping forces.

No-one other than Russia recognizes the breakaway region and that does not necessarily please the Abkhazians who want independence not annexation. That may explain the recent introduction of its own visas – which caught me and a colleague by surprise when we entered Abkhazia early one morning recently at the Adler border point, near Sochi.

Fortunately for us – and despite the region’s catalogue of distressing human rights abuses during the civil war, particularly the massacre of Georgian civilians in the capital, Sukhumi, in September 1993 - Abkhazian border officials seem a pretty reasonable bunch: it took an hour and a half, a change of shift and a call to Sukhumi to secure entry for the day.

Despite or perhaps because of its tragic recent history, Abkhazia is hauntingly beautiful. Half deserted with the crumbling ruins of grand old villas, once fashionable restaurants and hotels, the single major road runs along the coast before cutting inland around Gagra, the first sizeable town.

A drive up into the mountains, where a kilometre above sea level Lake Ritsa sits hemmed in by snow-topped peaks, is a stunningly beautiful excursion.

Gagra retains a grace and grandeur only a little diminished by its current shabbiness. Further east the monastery of Nova Athos and nearby caves are a magnet for Russian day trippers who come by the coachload from Sochi.

Few venture as far as Sukhumi where the ghosts of ’93 still linger. The city is virtually deserted with just a few souls swimming in the clear waters off its pebble beaches where rusting hulks of abandoned ships lie drunkenly and ruined restaurants subside into the sea.

There are signs that of some reconstruction and reports that property prices have begun to appreciate as speculators sense eventual international recognition – particularly since Kosovo gained world approval for its declaration of independence from Serbia. A two room flat that would have cost a couple of thousand US dollars three years ago now sells for $80,000.

But mostly Sukhumi is weed-strewn and sad: the government building that was at the centre of the murderous rampage in September 1993 remains gutted and empty, as do many buildings throughout the city.

The selection of photos above offer a glimpse of Abkhazia in June 2008.

Recommended links on Abkhazia:

http://www.aliciapatterson.org/APF1804/Meier/Meier.html

http://travel.webshots.com/album/554247077SoqdoV






Thursday, 6 March 2008

Russian Newspaper Trashed in Toilet Paper Stunt



Russia and Russians can be accused of many things - but boring just does not figure in their world.

Never a dull moment here - as the following gem illustrates....Dirty Protest on Moscow's streets...

In Soviet times Pravda – mouthpiece of the Communist Party – was the toilet paper of choice for millions denied more tender sanitary aid by the command economy’s endemic shortages.

Today business is no longer a dirty word.

But that didn't help one top Russian broadsheet this week.

Business newspaper Kommersant found itself at the centre of a farcical – and probably illegal – political prank when scores of young men and women across Moscow handed out rolls of cheap toilet paper printed with news stories from the daily and a top columnist Yulia Taratuta’s private mobile phone number.

Ms Taratuta told Radio Ekho Moskvy that she was angered and appalled at the stunt. Now "every dog in Moscow" was calling her on her private line, she complained.

To add insult to injury today hundreds of the Kommersant rolls mysteriously appeared in the public toilets in Russia’s parliament, the State Duma.

The agitprop action – thought to have been organized by members of Kremlin-backed pro-Putin youth group Nashi – is believed to be linked to a story Kommersant ran in January criticizing the group.

Youngsters handing out the toilet rolls – who occasionally demanded 30 roubles (UK pounds 0.60 or US$1.25) each for them – claimed they were part of a newspaper promotion.

Like many yesterday I was not sure at first what was going on and, assuming it was a legitimate advertising event, told the leather-jacketed young man that I'd only take it if it were free. He gave it to me without another word.

Kommersant’s editor Andrey Vasilev insisted the incident was nothing but “hooliganism” and is considering legal action for breach of copyright, although Nashi denies any link with it.

Monday, 3 March 2008

Russia – No Noticeable Change

Monday March 3 2008


Beneath grey skies and slicing cold sleet the few dozen Russian neo-dissidents that gathered for an unsanctioned ‘Dissenters March’ at Moscow’s Chisty Prudi metro station late this afternoon were easily outnumbered by a couple of hundred interior ministry troops and OMON riot squad police.

Russia today is pretty much exactly the same country as it was yesterday morning. Dmitry Medvedev may have been elected president but there is precious little sign that his recent assertions over ensuring freedom of expression are more than liberal sound bites aimed at assuaging public opinion.

Moscow’s dissident rally had been specifically banned by city authorities and the police viewed any attempt at unfurling an Other Russia flag – or lighting a flare – as a provocation and arrested around 30 of the protestors within minutes of the 5pm start.

Plain-clothes officers identified key people before the OMON men moved in. Veteran human rights activist Lev Ponomarev and Marina Litvinovich, ‘The Other Russia’ leader Garry Kasparov’s deputy, were among those hauled away.

One plainclothes man asked by western reporters why he was identifying activists muttered, “it’s my job,” before moving away.

Kasparov was not there. He chose to lead a march in St Petersburg that had been allowed. Evening newscasts in Moscow devoted a few seconds to both the Moscow and St Petersburg events after lengthy reports of Sunday’s election. Medvedev and Putin were shown beaming and waving to supporters at a Red Square rally last night and joking with staff at Expedition, an exclusive Moscow arctic sea food restaurant, where they celebrated Medvedev’s win yesterday afternoon.

The evening news also reported on Gazprom’s decision to restrict supplies of natural gas to Ukraine by 25% in a payment dispute. Turning off the gas to Ukraine seems to be an annual event these days, although the European Union was today keen to downplay it as “a business dispute”.

The few protestors left under the sleet at Chisty Prudi (which means ‘pure ponds’ although the square looked more likely a dirty sink today) expressed their weary anger at the Kremlin.

Nothing had changed with Medvedev’s election, said bearded Jakov Kornev, a retired builder aged 59 but who looked more like 80.

Holding aloft a copy of the Russian constitution he declared: “I came here today because I am tired of being scared. Russia today is a mafia state. The regime is purely criminal.”

Tatar pensioner, Asnisan Neftakova, 60, said she and other dissenters had been “denied the chance to vote for our people.”

“I am here today to show my support for democracy,” she said. Gesturing with contempt towards the lines of steel-helmeted interior ministry troops, she added: “These police here live fully on Putin’s pay.”

Bookseller Alexander Khatov, 54, who said his dissent dated back to his support for the Prague Spring Communist thaw of 1968 – after which he was denied access to university education – said the show of force demonstrated that the Kremlin was “scared of people expressing their constitutional rights.”

Medvedev has insisted he wants to tackle Russia’s endemic corruption and what he calls the country’s “legal nihilism”. But since he also insists he will not deviate from the path establish his predecessor, Putin – who will remain on the scene as Prime Minister – it looks like there will be a role to play for the dissenters for a long time to come.

Sunday, 2 March 2008

Russia's Medvedev in Entirely Predictable Victory








Sunday March 2 2008

MOSCOW – There was precious little evidence of enthusiasm for the Russian presidential elections today in Moscow.

A cold day that dawned to a steady drizzle of wet snow that soon turned to rain, there was no apparent rush for the polling stations in an election that is more Czarist-style succession than democratic choice.

Dubbed the “dreary” election by many Western journalists – as Luke Harding of The Guardian was quoted by yesterday’s Moscow Times – Russians seem to share that view.

A straw poll of Russian acquaintances from a wide social spectrum today elicited not one Medvedev voter. Most were not going to vote at all. One, an educated English-speaking man in his 50s, spoke for many when he remarked acidly: “They really think we are going to going along and legitimize something that has already been long decided?”

Another, less well educated but nonetheless a shrewd and affable man, said he would far rather have a few beers and relax with friends but since his wife worked for the local administration the entire family had been mobilized to vote. Such is choice in today’s Russia.

Even this evening's election broadcasts on the state channels have an air of forced interest about them. A live broadcast just after 10pm tonight showed the reporter doing a stand-up from the Central Elections Commission hq in Moscow with all the enthusiasm of a Christmas pantomime star in mid January.

Mr Medvedev’s results are coming in right on target – 65%-70% across Russia’s regions, making his landslide victory the most one-sided in the country’s post-Soviet history.

Russia’s opposition coalition, The Other Russia, headed by former chess grandmaster turned political activist, Garry Kasparov, is urging world leaders to send Mr Medvedev to Coventry and refuse to congratulate him on the heavily massaged victory being delivered tonight.

Yesterday Mr Kasparov dubbed the elections a “farce” as he delivered a 5,500 name protest petition to the body overseeing today’s vote, the central election commission.

“The world should not recognize the election results. This election is the imposition of Putin’s successor. It is one hand-picked candidate replacing another.

“If the leaders of the free world accept Medvedev they will be approving and giving credibility to this farce,” he told the crowds of foreign reporters and news crews that turned up to witness the event.

He added that he feared a violent crackdown on an unsanctioned “dissenters march” planned in Moscow tomorrow.

There were few signs of dissent in Moscow this evening when I spent an hour or so strolling through the tipping rain on a route that took me past four different polling stations before I reached Red Square, where young pro-Kremlin kids from Molodaya Rossiya (Young Russia) hung forlornly about with flags and leaflets getting sodden as a van with speakers attached blared out bad Russian pop music.

But close inspection of election poster, contained within an illuminated advertising hoarding box near Okhotny Ryad metro station, just across the road from the Kremlin, offered some hope.

Stuck to the glass were stickers advertising tomorrow’s officially banned dissenters march in Moscow and a picture of a goat with the slogan: “This goat is our candidate! Is our goat any worse than the others?”

Perhaps the country has come full circle – and has returned as a Soviet simulacrum? It’s worse, said one Russian acquaintance today. Back in the old days the General Secretary of the Party ran everything. Sure he had access to nice government cars and dachas, but essentially he was no better off than anyone else. Today the new Politburo chiefs run everything and enjoy vast private wealth too. “It is definitely worse today than in the old days,” he declared gloomily.

Readers of the western press could be forgiven for sometimes thinking that the vast majority of Russians are dupes of this new so-called managed democracy.

From my experience, Russians are very critical but both understand that there is little they can do against such a monolithic and powerful system and also deeply feel that stability is more important right now than upsetting the apple cart.

Here’s what a neighbour’s mother told me:

….On eve of a poll that many Russians have described as the most boring – because predictable – since Soviet times, Nina Nikolaievna last night had still not made up her mind who she would vote for today.

“It’s a choice between Zyuganov and Medvedev but I won’t decide until I have the ballot paper in my hand,” the 68 year old Moscow physics teacher said.

A former member of the Soviet Communist Party - she still has her old party card – and a teacher with 45 years service behind her, Nina believes firmly in a great future for Russia.

“This is a rich country. We have many talented people. We sincerely hope and wish that Russia will reach the top intellectually and economically,” she declaimed as she stood in the “podyezd” communal stairwell outside her daughter’s apartment in a central Moscow apartment .

She laughed when told she should run for president herself with such a knack for political sound-bites.

But despite the image of political apathy, like many Russians Nina is critical of the country Vladimir Putin is passing over to Dmitry Medvedev today.

Russia has many problems today and the country has lost a lot, particularly with regard to the upbringing of children. We’ve lost the entire system we had for years – the youth groups and activities,” she said.

Education and health services operated in a grey free-market with quality services available only to those able and willing to pay. Economic growth was restricted to Russia and a few other large cities while many of the new jobs were unskilled.

But she conceded that life today was certainly better than the 1990s – a time of hyper-inflation, mafia turf wars, rampant corruption and financial collapse that many shudder to recall.

“Teachers in Moscow earn twice more than those outside the capital – an average of 20,000 roubles (UK Pounds 400) a month – but that’s thanks to our Mayor, Yuri Luzhkov.”

Unwilling to give Mr Putin much, if any, credit for restoring Russia’s economic and geopolitical status, Nina softened when talking about Mr Medvedev.

“He’s young, cultured, active and works hard. We could do with more open political debate about who our next president may be – but at least we have stability which is the main thing in Russia today,” she said as two of her granddaughters emerged from the apartment behind her go outside to play on one of the first bright afternoons in Moscow for weeks.

Finally, for the record I'm noting below the opposition field that Mr Medvedev was running against today – a pretty dour bunch.

I’ll wrap today’s blog with an entertaining interview I took with the outsider, Andrei Bogdanov, some weeks back. The piece was intended for publication elsewhere but sadly ended up being spiked.

And then I’ll provide a link for the story that did run in today’s Sunday Telegraph – mostly about the influence Svetlana Medvedeva, Russia’s First Lady in waiting, seems to have on her husband, the new president elect Dmitry Medvedev.


Here's the opposition field:

…..MOSCOW - Small but vocal anti-Kremlin coalition The Other Russia plan post-election protest marches tomorrow in Moscow, St Petersburg and other cities across the country.

A loosely knit group that brings together figures that include eccentric writer and National Bolshevik leader Eduard Limonov and Soviet-era dissident Vladimir Bukovksy under the leadership of chess grandmaster turned political activist Garry Kasparov, the ‘dissenters’ actions face a riot police crackdown in Moscow, where the march has been banned.

Mr Kasparov, who was beaten and arrested during a similar unsanctioned protest in Moscow on the eve of last December’s parliamentary elections, says that won’t deter activists who have dubbed the presidential elections a “farce” and Dmitry Medvedev as “false Dmitry” – a reference to a 17th century pretender to the Czar’s throne.

The opposition coalition also plans to set up an alternative parliament, called the National Assembly, which they will use as a base for continuing to criticize the Kremlin.

The brainchild of President Vladimir Putin’s former economic advisor Andrei Illarionov, it’s first session is due to take place late March.

Opposition claims that today’s presidential elections are merely a lavish rubber stamping for a pre-approved transfer of power are given weight by the flimsy opposition candidates the Kremlin allowed to be registered.

The only serious contender is Communist leader Gennady Zyganov, a 63 year old former physics teacher who can expect 15-20% of the vote.

Jew-baiting nationalist, Vladimir Zhirinovsky, 61, head of the ill-named Liberal
Democratic Party of Russia, is a Kremlin-loyalist whose job is to take second place to Mr Zyganov, He can expect some 10%
of the votes.

Rank outsider and Russia’s most bizarre presidential candidate is Andrei Bogdanov, a 38 year old professional politician who has never held high public office but doubles as the grand master of Russia’s Masonic lodge.

Head of the Democractic Party of Russia, the father of three is campaigning on a ticket that includes Russian membership of the European Union and NATO. He is likely to poll less than 2%.

Dismissed as a job by most political observers, Mr Bogdanov denies that he is the Kremlin’s “insurance candidate” – designed to legitimize elections that demand at least two candidates lest Mr Zyuganov and Mr Zhirinovsky try to gain political advantage by pulling out.

Dmitry Medvedev, President Putin’s anointed successor, is a 42 year old St Petersburg-educated lawyer and chairman of Gazprom, Russia’s state-run natural gas giant.

Putting himself above the political fray, Mr Medvedev refused to campaign or debate his opponents.

Seen as Putin’s puppet, he had recently adopted many of his predecessor’s mannerisms and also lashed out at the British Council as a “nest of spies.”

But he has also said he will return press freedom to Russia, crack down on corruption and create a modern transport infrastructure.

He is expected to win between 60-65% of the vote.


And now here is some more on the bizarre Mr Bogdanov:

MOSCOW - He has never held high publicly elected office, he is pro-European Union membership, is the grand master of his country’s Masonic lodge, his party scored just 0.1% of the vote at the last elections and he cheerfully admits he does not have a hope of winning the next.

Meet Andrei Bogdanov – Vladimir Putin’s insurance policy for legally legitimate presidential elections.

Mr Bogdanov, a 38 year old father of three of mixed Russian-Crimean Tatar descent, has spent the past 15 years working as a ‘political consultant’ and with the Democratic Party of Russia.

He saw off a challenge for the obscure party’s leadership last year from former prime minister turned Putin critic Mikhail Kasyanov – who went to the same Moscow secondary school as Mr Bogdanov and claims he stands to win up to 15% of the popular vote when he runs against Dmitry Medvedev, Putin’s anointed successor.

Mr Medvedev is expected to win a landslide victory in a country where both the Kremlin and the population at large fear any change of political course could be disastrous.

Mr Bogdanov dismisses notions he is an insurance candidate to ensure at least two contenders run in the election as the Russian constitution demands, saying the Vladimir Zhirinovsky, the flamboyant head of nationalists LDPR, performs that role perfectly well.

But observers say without Mr Bogdanov the Kremlin fears that Zhirinovsky and Communist leader Gennady Zuganov could exert powerful leverage by threatening to both pull out of the election unless they were given key political concessions.

“The role of Bogdanov in this election is very important. By law there must be at least two candidates,” said Nikolai Petrov, of Moscow’s Carnegie Centre think tank.

“If the only opposition parties are the LDPR and the Communists they could blackmail the Kremlin by dropping out of the elections and not taking part. In order to ensure the elections take place the Kremlin registered Bogdanov.”

It also helps explain why the Kremlin dismissed ex prime minister Mikhail Kasyanov’s bid to run against Medvedev – claiming he had forged thousands of signatures out of the two million required from supporters – but did not scrutinise Mr Bogdanov’s lists.

Andrei Kolesnikov, a Kremlin correspondent and columnist for Russian daily newspaper Kommersant agrees.

“Bogdanov looks like a joke. He is just a guarantee – an ordered opposition candidate.”

Mr Bogdanov dismisses these suggestions as nonsense, insisting that the flamboyant but obsequiously loyal Zhirinovsky is the insurance candidate.

“Zhirinovsky criticizes a lot and makes a lot of noise but always votes for the Kremlin line. Better insurance than Zhirinovsky I cannot imagine,” he says adding that with 15 years of party organization across Russia and experience of regional and national elections behind him, gathering two million signatures was “not a problem.”

Mr Bogdanov – who bullishly predicts he will attract a minimum of 3.5% - two million votes - with possibly as much as 10-15% - has been taking part in the televised election debates that Mr Medvedev has pointedly boycotted.

“We were the first anti-Communist party in Russia and have always been pro-democracy and pro-European Union. I remember the 1990s when many people laughed as Zhirinovksy – and then he went on to get 22% in a general election,” Mr Bogdanov said.

But when pressed his assertive position soon crumbles.

“I shouldn’t really say this, but of course I don’t have a hope of becoming president,” he admitted.

And here is the link to the Sunday Telegraph story that ran today: http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/main.jhtml?xml=/news/2008/03/01/wrussia101.xml

Tuesday, 11 December 2007

Back in the Caucasus, Tbilisi Eight Years On









Tuesday December 11 2007

TBILISI, GEORGIA – The Caucasus has a charm both readily definable and elusive. Last time I was in Tbilisi, in January 2000 for an international donor conference, the bitter cold, lack of heating and intermittent electricity did nothing to dampen my enthusiasm for the place.

Overwhelmed by the history – the conference took place in an old palace where an independent democratic republic was declared in 1918, only to be crushed by the Red Army in the civil war that followed the Russian Revolution – I vowed to return.

Back then my thoughts were very much of spring; walking in the mountains, visiting vineyards and wine tasting.

As chance would have it, my return was again a winter one; this time for the 8th Tbilisi Film Festival – which did not even exist when I was last in town.

Much has changed and much somehow stayed the same, as ever in the Caucasus.

Gone are the bonfires in the streets, groups of cold and miserable people huddled around trying to keep warm.

Gone is the corrupt regime of President Eduard Shevardnadze (a former Soviet foreign minister) that in January 2000 was already tottering.

Gone are the blackouts and chaos that best the grand and beautiful old city, a huddle of terraced, balconied old houses and ancient Christian churches that sits astride the river Mtkvari.

Largely gone are mass unemployment, rampant crime and corruption, at least lower down the political feeding chain.

Much has changed in eight years.

Shevardnadze’s regime was swept away on the back of a popular and remarkably bloodless ‘Rose Revolution’ in 2003, ushering into power American educated charismatic leader Mikhail Saakashvili.

He won a landslide election as president in 2004.

The Tbilisi International Film Festival, represents the fresh face of a country moving towards a modern, European-style democracy.

Launched late 2000 as part of another cultural festival, ‘Gift’, TIFF went independent in 2002.

Today it screens more than a 100 films, attracts a strong field of entries for its competition focused on first or second features and this year for the first time gave cash prizes worth a total of $12,000 for its Golden and Silver Prometheus awards.

Veteran US director Bob Raefelson showed up to give a masterclass and present a screening of his 1970 classic “Five Easy Pieces”.

Based at the city centre Rustaveli Cinema, one of the few modern multiplexes in Georgia, it was thronged everyday with youngsters, families and kids.

International brands compete for shop window space and the city is peppered with new monuments, including a much criticized statue of St George slaying the dragon by Moscow-resident Georgian sculptor Zurab Tsereteli rumoured to have cost $4 million.

Everything looks so much cleaner and brighter – at least on the main roads. Wander off down the side streets and nothing much has changed. Rubbish and debris, half demolished buildings. Squalor.

The spirit of the people remains strong: in a post office on the main Rustaveli Avenue last Thursday (December 6) I got chatting with an elderly man. Asked if I spoke French, I replied in my worst schoolboy French, as only an Englishman could: Je parle Francaise comme un vache Espanol. (Apologies for bad spelling etc, it’s been donkey’s years since I scraped a miserable pass at O level….)

Given his chance, he opened up like a true Caucasian troubadour poet, and recited for a full five minutes a passage from Victor Hugo, word perfect in a beautiful authentic French accent. A performance that won applause from me and the two ladies sitting behind the post office counter. Remember, this is a part of the world where poets used to meet to do battle with verse. Beautiful.

Politically things seem to be back where they were, after a fashion.

President Saakashvili is accused by a growing opposition of resorting to the sort of authoritarianism that made Shevardnadze such a hate figure.

They accuse him of failing to tackle corruption at the top and lack of action over stubbornly high rates of unemployment. Popular discontent spilled over into street protests early November.

Fearing Russian involvement in a perceived coup attempt, Saakashvili sent out the riot police to use tear gas, water cannon and baton rounds against tens of thousands of protestors.

He declared a state of emergency and took two national TV stations Rustavi 2 and Imedi off air.

Imedi – jointly owned by opposition figure Badri Patarkatsishvili and Rupert Murdoch’s News Corp – was kept off air for a month until pressure from western governments brought about a lifting of a banning order.

A snap election Saakashvili has called for January 5 now looks like becoming a referendum on his presidential style, with opposition figures variously calling for scrapping the office altogether or reintroducing a constitutional monarchy not seen here for more than 200 years.

Saakashvili stepped down as president to run for re-election. You would not know it: he is ubiquitous on television news and travels with a full state security apparatus.

Last Saturday (December 8) he was due to give the awards at the closing of the Tbilisi film festival. Security was ultra-tight with masses of uniformed and plainclothes men checking all guests at the cinema.

Saakashvili failed to show up. No reason given. It’s the sort of behaviour many in Georgia say has turned the people against him.

Victory in the elections for Saakashvili is by no means certain and there are dark warnings of recriminations whoever wins.

It looks like I may be back in Tbilisi sooner rather than later and before the warm breezes of a Caucasian spring come.

Ends

Saturday, 1 December 2007

Russia's elections - opposition call foul

Here's today's (London) Sunday Telegraph story topline... see link below for full story

Stop Vladimir Putin by spoiling vote, say rivals

By Colin Freeman and Nick Holdsworth in Moscow
Last Updated: 1:56am GMT 02/12/2007

Russia's beleaguered opposition parties have urged their supporters to spoil their ballots in the country's parliamentary elections as a protest against Kremlin moves to stop them winning seats.

LINK TO FULL STORY: http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/main.jhtml;jsessionid=TV3YLHNROI4HLQFIQMGSFFWAVCBQWIV0?xml=/news/2007/12/02/wrussia102.xml

Russia's Parliamentary Elections - a Referendum on Putin



President Putin pictured, hand on heart, in free weekly government newspaper "Moscow Centre" under a headline reading "Time for Real Business"


Saturday December 1st 2007 Moscow

Snow-bound Moscow frosty and quiet on eve of parliamentary elections the Kremlin has cast as a referendum on President Vladimir Putin’s rule…

The Russian capital is all snow-dusted frosty calm and quiet tonight on the eve of tomorrow’s parliamentary elections.

If you didn’t listen to the radio, watch television or read newspapers here you could be forgiven for thinking that tomorrow was nothing more than a normal Sunday, with half population of Moscow apparently gone to their dachas (weekend cottages).

Under Russian electoral rules no last minute electioneering is allowed and apart from the red, white and blue striped national flags fluttering from flagpoles on apartment blocks and buildings in the centre of town, alongside those of Moscow’s patron saint, St George against a red background, there’s precious little sign that the country is on the eve of a potentially historic turning point.

The massive and ubiquitous United Russia billboards that had dominated street advertising until recently declaring ‘Putin’s Plan – Russia’s Victory’ were taken down more than a week ago, leaving only isolated posters for the Communists or Vladimir Zhirinovsky’s nationalist Liberal Democrat Party of Russia.

By this evening even those have gone.

Russia’s last independent radio station, Ekho Moskvy (Echo of Moscow) just reported (10pm Moscow time) on the official ‘den politicheskoi tishini’ – day of political silence - when all campaigning is forbidden before tomorrow’s elections. The news then went straight into a report about the mass arrests across Russia of opposition activists who intended to act as electoral observers tomorrow.

Since opposition coalition The Other Russia failed to be officially registered as a party for the election – it could not get the necessary 50,000 signatures in time – its activists, as group leader and former chess champion Garry Kasparov told me last night, have been signing up to work alongside opposition parties that include the Union of Right Forces (SPS) and Communists who are on the ballot.

Their aim is to guard against anticipated widespread vote rigging that they fear the Kremlin is engaged in to boost the vote for President Putin’s power vehicle, United Russia.

The arrests across the country last night and today – in Samara, Tula, Irkutsk and other cities - will have come as no surprise.

Talking by phone to Kasparov last night here in Moscow, he said that an Interior Ministry order had gone out warning police in the provinces that “under SPS disguise extremists will try to squeeze into polling stations” on Sunday.

As The Other Russia said in a press release tonight, “it is obvious to us that the scale of falsifications in the forthcoming elections will be unprecedented,” calling into question the legitimacy of the future State Duma.

It all chimes with what other Russian observers have been saying about these elections: that given that “the end of the political cycle in Russia is always dangerous” elections that are seen by the current power elite as a litmus test of their ability to hang onto power after Putin steps down as president next March – as is he is constitutionally bound to – are inevitably a time for desperate measures.

The Kremlin and its chosen electoral vector, United Russia, are desperate to get a huge turnout and massive landslide tomorrow. Only with at least 66% of the seats in the Duma will United Russia be able to push ahead its next apparent project: changing the constitution to either allow Putin a third term, or appointing him to a new role as national leader and weakening the practically autocratic powers that are vested in the presidency now.

A change as massive as that would be problematic in any country.

In one with Russia’s turbulent political history that sort of change could be dangerous.

As one political observer told me this afternoon in a reference to President Boris Yeltsin’s violent stand off with an unruly parliament that ended with tanks shelling the Moscow White House: “The last time something similar happened was in 1993 – and we all know how that ended.”

Today’s winter quietude could be the calm before the storm.

More tomorrow, when I’ll post a link to the London Sunday Telegraph story on which I was working the past few days.
http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/main.jhtml;jsessionid=TV3YLHNROI4HLQFIQMGSFFWAVCBQWIV0?xml=/news/2007/12/02/wrussia102.xml